September 18, 1935
The Cubs thrashed the Giants, 15-3, at Wrigley. It was the 15th straight victory for the Chicagoans and dropped the Giants six and a half games off the lead. The Cardinals, meanwhile, having split a twin bill with the Dodgers on the 17th, defeated the Brooklynites, 6-3, at Sportsman's Park. Nonetheless, they remained 2-1/2 games behind the surging Cubbies.
The Senators, however, were more successful against Chicago's AL entry, sweeping a doubleheader from the White Sox, 5-4 and 3-1. By the end of the day, the Nats were 63-80, 28 games behind the Tigers. Bobo Newsom started the first game and Ed Linke the second. Linke had a brief career, finishing with a lifetime 22-22 record. 1935 was his best season. He finished 11-7 (on a team with a 67-86 record) although his ERA was 5.01. Perhaps he benefited from strong run support. He gave up 211 hits in 178 innings and struck out just 51 batters (as against 80 walks). His luck ran out in 1938 - his final major league season, which he spent with the Browns. He was 1-7 with a 7.94 ERA and gave up 60 hits in over 39 innings pitched. He was twenty six years old when his career ended.
In The Nation published today, several interesting items:
In an editorial, the magazine comments on the recent assassination of Huey Long. It notes that "his championship of the poor was as sincere as anything in his equipment of distorted passions. Giving him every advantage of sympathetic consideration does not raise him to the status of martyr. Huey Long was America's first dictator." The editorial concludes:
His death undoubtedly means troubled times in Louisiana. Nationally, however, the political situation is simplified. Now there will be no formidable third-party movement in the South threatening to wreck the Democratic Party. With the death of Long the field of demagoguery is left to Father Coughlin, of whom one need be much less afraid.
The Nation was critical of Magistrate Louis Brodsky's denunciation of Nazi Germany in his decision freeing the SS Bremen demonstrators. These were anti-Nazi agitators who had boarded the Bremen - a German liner - and torn down the swastika flag. Although Judge Brodsky's conclusion that the demonstrators had not engaged in unlawful assembly was legally correct:
when Magistrate Brodsky, in presuming to set forth the sentiments of the defendants which urged them to commit what was in effect an act of violence against a nation with which the United States is on diplomatically friendly terms, proceeded in his official capacity to describe that nation in highly uncomplimentary language, one may question not only the diplomatic policy but the judicial propriety of such a proecdure. It is the function of a judge to uphold and interpret the law; it is not his function to make political speeches from the bench.
Perhaps Magistrate Brodsky had been influced by three anti-Nazi books reviewed in The Nation that week: The Nazi Dictatorship: A Study in Social Pathology and the Politics of Fascism; Rubber Truncheon; and I Was Hitler's Prisoner.
In an analysis of the Italo-Ethiopian crisis entitled "Geneva Stands Firm", the magazine noted that the delay occasioned by League of Nations deliberations over Ethiopia might postpone an Italian invasion for a full year. This was because the rainy season limited the available window for military operation to seven months of the year. The Nation was optimistic that sanctions could deter Italy:
Italy is obviously in no position to resist sanctions if they are rigorously aplied, and is even less able to go to war with any of the big poweers over their application. As was pointed out in last week's issue of The Nation, Italy is perhaps the farthest from self-sufficiency of any of the major countries. Faced by the certainty of a stringent financial and commercial boycott, combined with the threat of a closing of the Suez Canal, Mussolini would be practically forced to seek some face-saving compromise.
The article concluded that:
failure to curb Italy means the end of all possibility of security. It implies an acceptance by the world at large of the principles of force and violence which are the keystone of fascism, and relegates to the next post-war generation our rightful task of building an effective organization for peace.
In "Bullets Fell on Alabama", Bruce Crawford [according to the attached link, Crawford was a journalist and advocate for labor and civil rights]relates a visit by the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners to Birmingham, Alabama. In that city, possession of more than one copy of "radical publications" was an offense punishable by a fine of $100. Among the radical publications distributed by the Committee in a test of the ordinance were The Daily Worker, The Nation and the New Republic.
Members of the Committee were "seized" by local police and taken to meet Chief of Police Hollums. The Chief delivered the following remarks:
This literature [referring to the magazines listed above and several others]isn't unlawful, but it contains what offends some people. Besides, the ignorant working people shouldn't be allowed to read such literature. It stirs them up. Why, before these radicals began scattering such stuff the n----r would come holding up his hands when a white man called to him. Now the n----rs are uppity.
I haven't sufficient police force to guarantee you protection against certain elements here. There may be some in this room now, to hear what you are saying. If you pursue your activity [distributing left-wing magazines] here, I can't protect you, I'm sorry to admit.
If distributing radical magazines in Alabama wasn't dangerous enough, an advertisement in the magazine invited readers to "be one of 500 enemies of Nazism to help circulate in Germany a pamphlet against anti-semitism." The ad was placed by the International Relief Association.
The Senators, however, were more successful against Chicago's AL entry, sweeping a doubleheader from the White Sox, 5-4 and 3-1. By the end of the day, the Nats were 63-80, 28 games behind the Tigers. Bobo Newsom started the first game and Ed Linke the second. Linke had a brief career, finishing with a lifetime 22-22 record. 1935 was his best season. He finished 11-7 (on a team with a 67-86 record) although his ERA was 5.01. Perhaps he benefited from strong run support. He gave up 211 hits in 178 innings and struck out just 51 batters (as against 80 walks). His luck ran out in 1938 - his final major league season, which he spent with the Browns. He was 1-7 with a 7.94 ERA and gave up 60 hits in over 39 innings pitched. He was twenty six years old when his career ended.
In The Nation published today, several interesting items:
In an editorial, the magazine comments on the recent assassination of Huey Long. It notes that "his championship of the poor was as sincere as anything in his equipment of distorted passions. Giving him every advantage of sympathetic consideration does not raise him to the status of martyr. Huey Long was America's first dictator." The editorial concludes:
His death undoubtedly means troubled times in Louisiana. Nationally, however, the political situation is simplified. Now there will be no formidable third-party movement in the South threatening to wreck the Democratic Party. With the death of Long the field of demagoguery is left to Father Coughlin, of whom one need be much less afraid.
The Nation was critical of Magistrate Louis Brodsky's denunciation of Nazi Germany in his decision freeing the SS Bremen demonstrators. These were anti-Nazi agitators who had boarded the Bremen - a German liner - and torn down the swastika flag. Although Judge Brodsky's conclusion that the demonstrators had not engaged in unlawful assembly was legally correct:
when Magistrate Brodsky, in presuming to set forth the sentiments of the defendants which urged them to commit what was in effect an act of violence against a nation with which the United States is on diplomatically friendly terms, proceeded in his official capacity to describe that nation in highly uncomplimentary language, one may question not only the diplomatic policy but the judicial propriety of such a proecdure. It is the function of a judge to uphold and interpret the law; it is not his function to make political speeches from the bench.
Perhaps Magistrate Brodsky had been influced by three anti-Nazi books reviewed in The Nation that week: The Nazi Dictatorship: A Study in Social Pathology and the Politics of Fascism; Rubber Truncheon; and I Was Hitler's Prisoner.
In an analysis of the Italo-Ethiopian crisis entitled "Geneva Stands Firm", the magazine noted that the delay occasioned by League of Nations deliberations over Ethiopia might postpone an Italian invasion for a full year. This was because the rainy season limited the available window for military operation to seven months of the year. The Nation was optimistic that sanctions could deter Italy:
Italy is obviously in no position to resist sanctions if they are rigorously aplied, and is even less able to go to war with any of the big poweers over their application. As was pointed out in last week's issue of The Nation, Italy is perhaps the farthest from self-sufficiency of any of the major countries. Faced by the certainty of a stringent financial and commercial boycott, combined with the threat of a closing of the Suez Canal, Mussolini would be practically forced to seek some face-saving compromise.
The article concluded that:
failure to curb Italy means the end of all possibility of security. It implies an acceptance by the world at large of the principles of force and violence which are the keystone of fascism, and relegates to the next post-war generation our rightful task of building an effective organization for peace.
In "Bullets Fell on Alabama", Bruce Crawford [according to the attached link, Crawford was a journalist and advocate for labor and civil rights]relates a visit by the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners to Birmingham, Alabama. In that city, possession of more than one copy of "radical publications" was an offense punishable by a fine of $100. Among the radical publications distributed by the Committee in a test of the ordinance were The Daily Worker, The Nation and the New Republic.
Members of the Committee were "seized" by local police and taken to meet Chief of Police Hollums. The Chief delivered the following remarks:
This literature [referring to the magazines listed above and several others]isn't unlawful, but it contains what offends some people. Besides, the ignorant working people shouldn't be allowed to read such literature. It stirs them up. Why, before these radicals began scattering such stuff the n----r would come holding up his hands when a white man called to him. Now the n----rs are uppity.
I haven't sufficient police force to guarantee you protection against certain elements here. There may be some in this room now, to hear what you are saying. If you pursue your activity [distributing left-wing magazines] here, I can't protect you, I'm sorry to admit.
If distributing radical magazines in Alabama wasn't dangerous enough, an advertisement in the magazine invited readers to "be one of 500 enemies of Nazism to help circulate in Germany a pamphlet against anti-semitism." The ad was placed by the International Relief Association.

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